The new enlargement report: why communication is the new strategic imperative for the European Commission

Visite de Maia Sandu, présidente de la Moldavie, à la Commission européenne. Crédit photo : Union européenne

On 4th November 2025, the European Commission published its annual enlargement report, signalling a clear intent to welcome new members. Among the ten candidates, four stand out as likely to integrate the EU by 2029: the two frontrunners (Montenegro and Albania), followed by Moldova and Ukraine. After thirteen years of negotiations, Podgorica has opened all thirty-three chapters and closed seven, most within the past year, making the goal of “become number 28 by 2028” increasingly plausible.

Beyond the usual assessment of each candidate, this year’s package stands out. For the first time in ten years, the Commission declares enlargement a realistic prospect. Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine has reshaped Europe’s strategic landscape, prompting a clearer political message. According to the EU High Representative for foreign policy, Kaja Kallas: "geopolitical shifts make the case for enlargement clear-cut. Enlargement is not a nice-to-have; it is a necessity if we want to be a stronger player on the world stage". 

Yet, the most distinctive feature of the 2025 enlargement report is its emphasis on communication. Outreach inside the Union, better tools to counter Russian disinformation, and efforts to fight information interference in candidate countries are presented as a strategic priority for the first time.

Why does communication now occupy such a central place in the enlargement debate? The answer stems from a paradox highlighted by the September 2025 Eurobarometer on Attitudes towards EU Enlargement. Candidate countries are advancing more rapidly than ever in the past decade, backed by strong institutional support; yet public support within the current member states does not follow the same rhythm. While 56% of EU citizens support enlargement, enthusiasm has dropped sharply in key member states. Support in Germany has fallen from 69% in 2004 to 49% in 2025, and only 43% of French citizens favour further expansion. When two of the biggest and most powerful EU member states score the lowest levels of support for enlargement, this reveals an issue for legitimacy. Since enlargement is not a purely administrative process, but implies deep societal change, institutional support is not enough. In order for enlargement to happen, it must be backed by democratic legitimacy and political and societal consensus. 

If the results of the September 2025 Eurobarometer point to an issue, they also indicate a possible solution. Statistics show that citizens who are informed about enlargement are more likely to support it (74%) compared to those who do not feel informed (49%). The problem is that only 32% of respondents self-reported as sufficiently informed, while 67% do not feel informed about the topic. 

This gap explains the Commission’s new strategic objective: if better-informed citizens support enlargement more, then communication efforts are key. The planned campaign will focus on illustrating enlargement in accessible terms, highlighting concrete benefits for both existing and future members and countering disinformation operations. Moreover, member states are expected to take responsibility for the choices they make in the Council and to explain these choices openly at home. The goal: to build understanding and legitimacy across society, not merely among political elites.

The stakes are high. Candidate countries are moving forward and expect the Union to meet its commitments. The Commission shows no sign of slowing the pace. To ensure that enlargement remains politically viable, it must cultivate societal backing within the Union. Without a stronger effort to cultivate support, the democratic backsliding the Union fears to witness in future members risks emerging instead from within its own institutions.